岸田首相の米国訪問を間近に情報が表に出てくる。
まずは岸田総理自身の言葉がリークされた。
岸田首相「日本がアメリカをサポートする時代に入った」 4月訪米を前に意気込み示す｜FNNプライムオンライン
これに反発する声がSNSで多く見受けられるが、冷戦終結と共に太平洋島嶼国に関わった私は米国政府の動きを具に見て来たので違う意見だ。まさに潮が引くように米国が去って行った太平洋には、現地に残された米国の事業や米国人が支援を求めていたのだ。そして私はそれを助けてきた。衛星事業のPEACESAT、メディア事業のPINA等だ。日本政府がやっと、という思いしかない。
そもそも米国は太平洋での歴史があまりない。日本はある。しかも南洋委任統治という国際法上しっかりとした枠組みでミクロネシア地域の教育、福祉、経済を沖縄移民と共に発展させた。戦後の米国が作った信託統治制度は「戦略的」というあくまでも米国の安全保障を基本としたもので、島社会の発展は蔑ろにされた。典型的例はソロモン報告書のZoo Theoryである。
ここら辺の事を書くと長くなるので止めておく。
冷戦終結は日本の安全保障にも大きな課題を突きつけた。一つが「片務的」日米同盟をどうするか、だ。樋口レポートが発表され日米の戦略対話が開始した。私はこのレポート執筆者の渡辺昭夫教授から国際政治を学び、島嶼国との関連性をいつも考えていた。一言で言えば多角的安全保障だ。ここも長くなるので省く。
安全保障が軍事と限定する人は、専門家にはまずいない。私は情報通信や教育、ジャーナリズムを中心にミクロネシア、太平洋島嶼国の支援をしてきた。この流れを変えたのが太平洋司令軍のTimothy Keating司令官の公聴会での証言だった。中国軍が太平洋を二分しようと提案してきた、と。
これに笹川陽平が反応し、新聞に意見を書きたいから案を出せと言われたのが2008年３月だった。勿論日米同盟の片務的形をミクロネシアで修正する事を目的にミクロネシアでの海底ケーブルを含む海洋管理協定の案は私のオリジナルで、笹川陽平にそのような知識は一切ない。ミャンマーのような惨劇を避けるためにもここは敢えて明言しておく。
私が笹川平和財団にいたために、国交省、海保が関与することになっているが、国交省は日米同盟を安全保障を知らないし、議論できないのである。私は一度、当時財団会長であった羽生次郎に説明を試みた。パラオのホテルの朝食会議の席だ。テーブルの塩胡椒の瓶を動かし
「日米同盟の二国間関係というのはこの塩と胡椒の瓶のように関係が一直線のままで変更しない。しかしここに砂糖の瓶が出てくると三者関係になり、初めて塩胡椒の関係が動くのです。」
羽入氏はキョトンとしていた。「だめだこりゃ」
私にとって海保は当て馬だった。シーシェパードやグリーンピースがパラオ政府と協定を締結するよりよい。しかし、海保では日米同盟は動かせない。
4月の岸田・バイデン会議では日本の米軍司令部を再構築する計画を発表とある。米軍司令部は日本領土、領海だけでなく、台湾、グアム、サイパン、ミクロネシア等の西太平洋、さらにはASEAN諸国もカバーする形になるであろう。
米国は日本を必要としている。新渡戸が重光が知ったらどう思うであろうか？
US and Japan plan biggest upgrade to security pact in more than 60 years
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Prime Minister Kishida's impending visit to the US, information about the visit emerges.
First, Prime Minister Kishida's own words were leaked.
岸田首相「日本がアメリカをサポートする時代に入った」 4月訪米を前に意気込み示す｜FNNプライムオンライン
Prime Minister Kishida: 'We have entered an era in which Japan supports the US', expressing enthusiasm ahead of his visit to the US in April｜FNN Prime Online
There have been many voices on social networking sites in opposition to this, but I have different opinon as I was involved with the Pacific island countries from the end of the Cold War, I have seen the US Government's movements with my own eyes. In the Pacific, where the US left just as the tide receded, US projects and citizens who remained in the region were looking for assistance. And I have helped them. PEACESAT the satellite project, PINA the media project, and so on. I can only think that the Japanese Government has finally done it.
The US doesn't have much history in the Pacific to begin with. Japan does. Japan, along with Okinawan immigrants, developed the education, welfare and economy of the Micronesian region within the framework of the South Sea Mandate, which is firmly established in international law. The trusteeship system created by the US after the war was 'strategic' and based solely on the security of the US, and the development of island communities was disregarded. A typical example is the Zoo Theory of the Solomon Report.
It would be a long story to write about these issues, so I will stop.
The end of the Cold War also posed major challenges to Japan's security. One is what to do about the 'unilateral' Japan-US alliance. The Higuchi Report was published and a strategic dialogue between Japan and the US was initiated. I learnt about International Relations from the author of this report, Professor Akio Watanabe, and always thought about the relevance of island states. In a word, multilateral security. This too is a long story, so I will leave it out.
It is uncommon for experts to limit security to the military. I have been supporting Micronesia and the Pacific Island countries mainly in the areas of information and communications, education and journalism. It was the testimony of Commander Timothy Keating of Pacific Command at the hearing that changed this trend. He said that the Chinese military had proposed dividing the Pacific into two parts.
Yohei Sasakawa responded to this and asked me to give him a suggestion because he wanted to write an opinion piece for the newspaper, in March 2008. Of course, the idea of a maritime management agreement, including a submarine cable in Micronesia, aimed at modifying the unilateral form of the Japan-US alliance in Micronesia, was my original idea, and Sasakawa Yohei had no knowledge of such matters. I dare to state this clearly to avoid a tragedy like Myanmar.
Because I was at the Sasakawa Peace Foundation, the Ministry of Land, Infrastructure and Transport and the Coast Guard are supposed to be involved, but the MLIT does not know and cannot discuss the Japan-US alliance in terms of security. Once I tried to explain this to Jiro Hanyu, who was then the Chairman of the Foundation. It was at a breakfast meeting at a hotel in Palau. I moved a salt and pepper bottles on the table and said.
'The bilateral relationship of the Japan-US alliance is like this bottles of salt and pepper, the relationship remains in line and does not change. But when the sugar bottle comes out here, it becomes a tripartite relationship, and only then does the salt and pepper relationship move."
Mr Hanyu raised his eyebrows. He cannot discuss the US-Japan alliance.
For me, the Coast Guard was a stalking horse. Better than Sea Shepherd or Greenpeace signing an agreement with the Palau government. But the Coast Guard cannot move the Japan-US alliance.
The Kishida-Biden meeting in April announced plans to rebuild the US military command in Japan, according to the report. The US military command would cover not only Japanese territory and territorial waters, but also the Western Pacific, including Taiwan, Guam, Saipan and Micronesia, as well as ASEAN countries.
The US needs Japan. What would Nitobe and Shigemitsu who declared to be a bridge between East and West, if they found out?
US and Japan plan biggest upgrade to security pact in more than 60 years
